News

Notwithstanding the reprehensible terrorist attack north of Eilat last week, kick-starting the latest round of Israeli-Palestinian violence, Israel's summer has been defined by the emergence and swift growth of the Tent Protest movement.   For those of you who have taken a summer vacation from Israeli news, the Tent Protest got its start as a popular reaction to skyrocketing housing prices, but it quickly expanded its message to the rising cost of living in Israel generally, and to the growing gaps between average Israelis and the country's super-rich "tycoons". 

Amid the darkness and gloom that is the Netanyahu-Lieberman-Barak government, the protest tent encampments that have sprung up throughout Israel, and the masses of humanity that have turned out for its marches, have been a ray of light, offering hope for a better Israeli future.

Nonetheless, as the protest passes out of its initial phase of spontaneity and zeal, we would do well to remember that a "revolution" (as some of the organizers refer to the movement) is not won overnight and that the Tent Protest will face serious trials in the months ahead if it is to make a lasting contribution to a truly progressive Israel.  Three key questions will determine the movement's sustainability and enduring value:

Until I read this morning's Israeli newspapers, I thought I was going to use this platform to discuss the flotilla and the fly-in protest.  After all, these two related campaigns have dominated the Israel-Palestine conversation for several weeks.  It's what everyone's talking about.

But as I clicked through to the various articles in today's Haaretz, I was disturbed to discover that, with all eyes glued to the Audacity of Hope, the Juliano Mer and the other flotilla vessels, Israel's government was busy promoting some rather dreadful measures that too few are paying to attention to.  So rather than write the thousand and first treatment of the Gaza situation (important issue though it is), I decided instead to discuss land expropriation, the ‘boycott bill', and an initiative to undermine the funding of Israeli human rights organizations.

Prior to last week I'd never heard of Ras al-Amud.  That's not surprising.  As an American Jew, I was not meant to.  I was not meant to know that Ras al-Amud even existed, because to know that it exists, that it is a Palestinian neighborhood in East Jerusalem that is located just south of the old city and overlooks Silwan and Abu Dis, and that in 2003 it had a population of 11,922, is to admit that Palestinians have a legitimate claim and right to Jerusalem. 

As an American Jew I'm not "supposed" to know that.  It's another part of the Occupation;

The most unsettling aspect of Prime Minister Netanyahu's flat rejection of the Fatah-Hamas agreement, signed this past Wednesday in Cairo, wasn't the substance of his critique.  It was the desperate and amateurish haste with which he rushed to pronounce judgment and slam the book.

Israel is experiencing momentous changes, both domestically and in its foreign relations, and the developments of the next few months are likely to shape the country for decades to come.

This is the overall impression I bring back from my 10-day working trip to Israel and Palestine, including 7 days with Meretz USA's incomparable travel-and-learning program, the Israel Symposium.

Having met more than 50 individuals - Jewish and Arab; Israeli and Palestinian; left, right and center; senior politicians, activists, intellectuals, journalists and ‘regular folk' - in over a dozen locations, my mind is still awash with fresh information, new data, contrasting assessments and conflicting narratives. 

Here are some of my unbleached reflections:

Has opposition to the entrenchment of Israel's West Bank settlements become the new litmus test for whether one can be defined as "pro-Israel"?  Two developments in recent weeks suggest this is the case.

As a proud partner in the 2nd national J Street conference, Meretz USA invites you to join us in Washington DC between February 26 and March 1 for this important assembly of the American Jewish pro-Israel/pro-peace camp.

When we first gathered under the J Street banner in October 2009, it was clearly a time of renewed, albeit cautious, hope.  There was a new activist pro-Israel/pro-peace president in the White House; Israel's Prime Minister had just declared his nominal commitment to a two-state solution; a moratorium on Israeli settlements was in the works; and, with the boundless energy provided by J Street, the pro-Israel/pro-peace camp in the US had reached unprecedented heights.

As we head back to DC, much has changed. 

On the surface, it's been a tough year for the peace camp (though, as you'll soon see, there's also some very good news to report!):

Throughout the 2 ½ weeks of Egypt's continuing democracy revolution, which has reached a crescendo with Hosni Mubarak's resignation just hours ago, Israel's senior political and military echelons have maintained a cautious approach, and a relatively low profile. 

This past week, Al Jazeera and The Guardian released on their websites a set of 1,684 confidential Palestinian Authority documents known as "The Palestine Papers".  These internal emails, minutes of meetings, maps, preparatory notes and other materials are a treasure-trove of political and diplomatic information regarding Israeli-Palestinian peace negotiations between 1999 and 2010.

Although some of the more eye-catching documents have already been widely reported, there is much more to the Palestine Papers than just these attention-grabbing headlines.

The dire words of warning we are hearing from the leaders of "The Democratic Camp" in Israel - a coalition of political parties, public organizations and grassroots movements to defend democracy - are neither hyperbole, nor rhetorical flourish.  The situation is grave.  Israeli democracy is at a watershed moment.